After the guard made the dictatorship in 1079, with general replacement by Joao Baptiste Feguereido Geisel as President of the Republic was relaunched redemocratization [1] .
party reform of 1980 abolished the two-party system, resulted in two new parties, the Workers and the Democratic Labor [PDT] allowing the bourgeoisie take over the new PMDB [Moderate Party Brazilian Democratic]. This party left out the most militant sections of workers and progressive clustered around the Central Unica de Trabajadores linked to the PT [Workers Party]. The official party, the Social Democratic Front was born Liberal party was benefited and gained positions at the expense of weaker and ill make the PMDB. This party was born from 86 Cruzado Plan, in its early euphoria caused by its results, but gradually decayed to be removed.
All this political process distinguishes Brazil from other countries, as the transition from dictatorship to democracy was traumatic, but the dictatorship was seen, for his bipartisanship manipulated as a democracy to Brazil. This led to not be created in Brazilian society a feeling of rejection and justice, and controlled by the amnesty laws of the military dictatorship.
dictatorship led repression, torture, death and disappeared among the guerrillas found the Araguaia Guerrilla [2] : they were members of the Communist Party of Brazil [PCdoB] that opted for armed resistance.
The group consisted of 69 fighters, of whom 59 were killed and remain "disappeared", among them André Grabois, Almeida Grimeia husband, who came to the state of Pará, at age 20. Shortly after he was kidnapped and tortured in a barracks in Brasilia, where he had his daughter Joao Carlos.
The guerrillas took two years in the area were known to social work, they were doctors, teachers, nurses, etc ... The state mobilized thousands of men who murdered the peasants, burning their homes or imprisoned. Thirty years later the locals still recall with horror the torture for information.
Since 1984, the transition to democracy, the secret deals that are sealed a pact of silence. The Commission Human Rights Special Araguaia went to find the bodies but did not find them. The then Minister of Defense Jose Veiga said that the documentation relating to the murders was destroyed "legally", while Colonel Licio Maciel Ribeiro, said the newspaper "Folha de Sao Paolo" who dug up and moved the bodies not to be venerated by farmers.
The State is not involved and Brazilian society remains unaware of what happened because there is no awareness of what happened and there is a certain complicity with the dictatorship of a portion of the population, according to Marcelo Ridenti, head of the Department of Sociology University of Campinas in Saopaolo.
The management of the Brazilian dictatorship are summary executions, crimes estates, military police and torture in prisons and practice.
achieved little in politics as an amnesty for political prisoners August 29, 1979, signed by Luis Carlos Prestes [3] .
Torture is one of the legacies of the Brazilian dictatorship remains very present [4] . Some authors like Ignatieff who defend torture as a "lesser evil" because torture is preferable to one that thousands die. Brugger Luhmann and his supporters. Doctrine Brazilian Security thought so too. To Góngora Mera torture in Brazil did not disappear, but changed their functions and purposes.
The UN Convention against torture or cruel inquisitive prohibits torture, punishing, intimidating or discriminatory. The National Security Doctrine is an imitation of the National War College "U.S.." He trained in police and military torture, emitting 242 secret detention centers linked to the military.
Torture in Brazil's dictatorship is divided into three phases: the first is a cleaning operation, were arrested between 10,000 and 50,000 people were removed parties, associations and members of the army near the left, chased the leaders and political parties were removed.
In a second stage, inquisitive practiced torture as a tool for publicizing the activities of the opposition. During the government of Geisel [1974 to 1978] was 10,000 political exiles, thousands of political prisoners, 245 university students expelled and 300 dead or missing.
In the third phase, intimidation practiced torture, to intimidate the population. The victims were leaders known as the student leader Honestito Guimaraes, the former deputy Rubens Paiva and the journalist Vladimir Herzong. Since 77 is practiced state terrorism with bombs in associates at the progressives. At this time any person could be subjected to torture.
In 1979 he passed the Amnesty Act, which applied also to torture, it was denounced as unconstitutional. The fact mentioned earlier that the people did not feel the new democratic situation as a break, and the amnesty law have contributed to the torture continues. By failing to investigate members of the police and army tortured, have remained in office, protected by law and the covenant of silence. The consequence is that democracy continued.
Although in the 1978 Constitution prohibiting torture did not create a law against it until 1997 [5] .
However, international treaties and torture persists in detention centers. There is a failure of the law regarding the prevention and punishment. From 1998 to 2000, there were 258 complaints of torture and 56 tax police investigations [6] .
The Special Rapporteur of the United Nations on torture, Nigel Rodley, in 2000 reported that the Brazilian police routinely practice torture. The National Movement for Human Rights reports that 70% of torture are ciudades pequeñas y el 77% son cometidas por funcionarios. Las causas son la amnistía a los que torturaban en la dictadura, que lo siguen haciendo ahora, la falta de medios, y el que los crímenes de tortura por policías sean investigados por ella misma. La impunidad y la continuidad son las causas de la perduración de la tortura en Brasil desde la dictadura hasta hoy.
Bibliografía
- Ruy Mauro Marini. Archivo de Ruy Mauro Marini con la notación “inédito” de 1992. http://www.marini-escritos.unam.mx/038_transicion_crisis_es.htm
- Nora Di Pace. Brasil la memoria llena de olvido. Radio Nederland. http://www.rebelion.org/brasil/040402pacce.htm
- Perly Cipriano, Authoritarian Past and Democracy in Brazil. Public Policy Observatory for Human Rights in the MERCOSUR. http://www.observatoriomercosur.org.uy/libro/capitulo22.htm
- Manuel Eduardo Góngora Mera, Functional Evolution of torture in Brazil: Impunity as a determinant of their persistence in democracy, April 2, 2005, www.menschenrechte.org
- 1455 Act, the Torture Act 1997.
- Statistics on implementation of the Law of Torture. National Council of States Attorneys General. ESL-BRA http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ESLAMR190222001?open&of =
[1] Ruy Mauro Marini. Ruy Mauro file Marini with the notation "unpublished" in 1992.
[2] Nora Di Pace. Brazil full of forgotten memory. Radio Nederland.
[3] Perly Cipriano, authoritarian past and Democracy in Brazil. Public Policy Observatory for Human Rights in the MERCOSUR.
[4] Manuel Eduardo Góngora Mera, Functional Evolution of torture in Brazil: Impunity as a determinant of their persistence in democracy, April 2, 2005, www.menschenrechte.org
[5] Act 1455 , Torture Act 1997.
[6] Statistics on the implementation of the Law of Torture. National Council of Procurators States General.
party reform of 1980 abolished the two-party system, resulted in two new parties, the Workers and the Democratic Labor [PDT] allowing the bourgeoisie take over the new PMDB [Moderate Party Brazilian Democratic]. This party left out the most militant sections of workers and progressive clustered around the Central Unica de Trabajadores linked to the PT [Workers Party]. The official party, the Social Democratic Front was born Liberal party was benefited and gained positions at the expense of weaker and ill make the PMDB. This party was born from 86 Cruzado Plan, in its early euphoria caused by its results, but gradually decayed to be removed.
All this political process distinguishes Brazil from other countries, as the transition from dictatorship to democracy was traumatic, but the dictatorship was seen, for his bipartisanship manipulated as a democracy to Brazil. This led to not be created in Brazilian society a feeling of rejection and justice, and controlled by the amnesty laws of the military dictatorship.
dictatorship led repression, torture, death and disappeared among the guerrillas found the Araguaia Guerrilla [2] : they were members of the Communist Party of Brazil [PCdoB] that opted for armed resistance.
The group consisted of 69 fighters, of whom 59 were killed and remain "disappeared", among them André Grabois, Almeida Grimeia husband, who came to the state of Pará, at age 20. Shortly after he was kidnapped and tortured in a barracks in Brasilia, where he had his daughter Joao Carlos.
The guerrillas took two years in the area were known to social work, they were doctors, teachers, nurses, etc ... The state mobilized thousands of men who murdered the peasants, burning their homes or imprisoned. Thirty years later the locals still recall with horror the torture for information.
Since 1984, the transition to democracy, the secret deals that are sealed a pact of silence. The Commission Human Rights Special Araguaia went to find the bodies but did not find them. The then Minister of Defense Jose Veiga said that the documentation relating to the murders was destroyed "legally", while Colonel Licio Maciel Ribeiro, said the newspaper "Folha de Sao Paolo" who dug up and moved the bodies not to be venerated by farmers.
The State is not involved and Brazilian society remains unaware of what happened because there is no awareness of what happened and there is a certain complicity with the dictatorship of a portion of the population, according to Marcelo Ridenti, head of the Department of Sociology University of Campinas in Saopaolo.
The management of the Brazilian dictatorship are summary executions, crimes estates, military police and torture in prisons and practice.
achieved little in politics as an amnesty for political prisoners August 29, 1979, signed by Luis Carlos Prestes [3] .
Torture is one of the legacies of the Brazilian dictatorship remains very present [4] . Some authors like Ignatieff who defend torture as a "lesser evil" because torture is preferable to one that thousands die. Brugger Luhmann and his supporters. Doctrine Brazilian Security thought so too. To Góngora Mera torture in Brazil did not disappear, but changed their functions and purposes.
The UN Convention against torture or cruel inquisitive prohibits torture, punishing, intimidating or discriminatory. The National Security Doctrine is an imitation of the National War College "U.S.." He trained in police and military torture, emitting 242 secret detention centers linked to the military.
Torture in Brazil's dictatorship is divided into three phases: the first is a cleaning operation, were arrested between 10,000 and 50,000 people were removed parties, associations and members of the army near the left, chased the leaders and political parties were removed.
In a second stage, inquisitive practiced torture as a tool for publicizing the activities of the opposition. During the government of Geisel [1974 to 1978] was 10,000 political exiles, thousands of political prisoners, 245 university students expelled and 300 dead or missing.
In the third phase, intimidation practiced torture, to intimidate the population. The victims were leaders known as the student leader Honestito Guimaraes, the former deputy Rubens Paiva and the journalist Vladimir Herzong. Since 77 is practiced state terrorism with bombs in associates at the progressives. At this time any person could be subjected to torture.
In 1979 he passed the Amnesty Act, which applied also to torture, it was denounced as unconstitutional. The fact mentioned earlier that the people did not feel the new democratic situation as a break, and the amnesty law have contributed to the torture continues. By failing to investigate members of the police and army tortured, have remained in office, protected by law and the covenant of silence. The consequence is that democracy continued.
Although in the 1978 Constitution prohibiting torture did not create a law against it until 1997 [5] .
However, international treaties and torture persists in detention centers. There is a failure of the law regarding the prevention and punishment. From 1998 to 2000, there were 258 complaints of torture and 56 tax police investigations [6] .
The Special Rapporteur of the United Nations on torture, Nigel Rodley, in 2000 reported that the Brazilian police routinely practice torture. The National Movement for Human Rights reports that 70% of torture are ciudades pequeñas y el 77% son cometidas por funcionarios. Las causas son la amnistía a los que torturaban en la dictadura, que lo siguen haciendo ahora, la falta de medios, y el que los crímenes de tortura por policías sean investigados por ella misma. La impunidad y la continuidad son las causas de la perduración de la tortura en Brasil desde la dictadura hasta hoy.
Bibliografía
- Ruy Mauro Marini. Archivo de Ruy Mauro Marini con la notación “inédito” de 1992. http://www.marini-escritos.unam.mx/038_transicion_crisis_es.htm
- Nora Di Pace. Brasil la memoria llena de olvido. Radio Nederland. http://www.rebelion.org/brasil/040402pacce.htm
- Perly Cipriano, Authoritarian Past and Democracy in Brazil. Public Policy Observatory for Human Rights in the MERCOSUR. http://www.observatoriomercosur.org.uy/libro/capitulo22.htm
- Manuel Eduardo Góngora Mera, Functional Evolution of torture in Brazil: Impunity as a determinant of their persistence in democracy, April 2, 2005, www.menschenrechte.org
- 1455 Act, the Torture Act 1997.
- Statistics on implementation of the Law of Torture. National Council of States Attorneys General. ESL-BRA http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ESLAMR190222001?open&of =
[1] Ruy Mauro Marini. Ruy Mauro file Marini with the notation "unpublished" in 1992.
[2] Nora Di Pace. Brazil full of forgotten memory. Radio Nederland.
[3] Perly Cipriano, authoritarian past and Democracy in Brazil. Public Policy Observatory for Human Rights in the MERCOSUR.
[4] Manuel Eduardo Góngora Mera, Functional Evolution of torture in Brazil: Impunity as a determinant of their persistence in democracy, April 2, 2005, www.menschenrechte.org
[5] Act 1455 , Torture Act 1997.
[6] Statistics on the implementation of the Law of Torture. National Council of Procurators States General.
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